13 hours in the past
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Abhay Kumar Dubey, Professor at Ambedkar University, Delhi
It appears that simply earlier than the completion of 100 years of its institution, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has entered the second part of its existence.
The Sangh has all the time been energetic in politics, however earlier than the meeting elections in Haryana, Kashmir, Maharashtra and Jharkhand, its politics was wrapped in a particular sort of nationalist-cultural mobilization. Despite totally serving to Jan Sangh and now BJP within the elections, he used to say at any time when he wished that his work ought to not be put within the class of politics.
But what its supporters mentioned on media platforms in these elections can solely imply that as a substitute of taking part in a job from behind in these elections, the Sangh led the BJP. He left no stone unturned in taking credit score for the extraordinary victories of Haryana and Maharashtra. This signifies that now the Sangh has no hesitation in presenting its political face. Due to this, there is certain to be a change within the relations between Sangh and BJP.
Dilip Deodhar, thought of the genuine voice of the Sangh in public life, has advised the media that this time the Sangh has made extra deliberate efforts to affect the voters within the Maharashtra elections than it did within the 1977 elections after the Emergency. Nor did it within the 2014 elections.
According to Deodhar, 3000 mental commandos had been ready below the management of Atul Limaye, who was the top of the Western Province of the Sangh, who went to each nook of this big state in a really disciplined method to unfold the message of BJP, popularize the slogans and criticize the Congress. Led innumerable women and men volunteers (together with about 30 thousand employees introduced from exterior the state) in doing so.
The two boards of the Sangh, Lokjagran Manch and Prabodhan Manch, additionally performed a particular function on this work. According to senior journalists who carefully noticed this marketing campaign of the Sangh, neither the flag was seen nor the loudspeaker was getting used on this marketing campaign. The technique of contact was at private degree. Three classes of voters had been created. Traditional voters of BJP had been saved within the first class.
The second and third classes had been of voters holding distance from BJP respectively, on whom extra consideration was to be paid. Sangh propagandists vigorously unfold BJP’s message among the many OBC communities (Teli, Dhangar, Mali, Sutar and Banjara). On the opposite hand, deliberate efforts had been made to wrest the Vidarbha area from the Congress fold. In the final 20 days of the election marketing campaign, the Sangh fielded Nitin Gadkari. He held greater than 70 rallies throughout the state.
The particular factor is that from the very starting, the Sangh performed a job within the collection of candidates by coordinating with the BJP leaders. In this new version, the Sangh desires all the nation to find out about its electoral enterprise. Therefore, through the marketing campaign itself, massive information had been printed within the newspapers that how the Sangh has accomplished the identical work in Haryana, it is doing the identical on a bigger scale in Maharashtra and Jharkhand.
According to an estimate, the Sangh countered the wave in favor of Congress by holding a minimum of ten thousand conferences in Haryana. In the context of Maharashtra, his efforts prolonged to about three lakh conferences. The query arises right here that why these actions of the Sangh in Jharkhand may not give the specified outcomes?
We know that the Sangh works intensively among the many tribals by way of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram. Then why did the tribals of Maharashtra vote for BJP and the tribals of Jharkhand vote for JMM? Two causes are being understood for this. First, Maharashtra is probably the most urbanized states within the nation (about 60%). At current the ideology of Sangh and Hindutva is simpler in city areas.
Second, the arrest of Hemant Soren had created an anti-BJP ambiance among the many tribals. But wanting into the phrases of Dilip Deodhar, it may also be guessed that Modi wished to type a Sangh-free BJP and Sangh-free authorities. On June 4, voters thwarted his efforts. Taking benefit of this the Sangh made a comeback.
After the preliminary spat, a sensible joint-leadership equation has been shaped between the Sangh and Modi. In this the dimensions has to tilt in favor of the Sangh repeatedly. The work of BJP is not going to work without the Sangh.
- Earlier the BJP President may have had the braveness to say that the social gathering not wanted the Sangh. But within the elections of Haryana and Maharashtra, the Sangh has proved that the work of BJP will not work without the Sangh.
(These are the writer’s personal views)
